Post by account_disabled on Mar 5, 2024 2:09:54 GMT -7
The experience of the union mobilization to repeal the PP labor reform of 2012 had and continues to have an impact on its poor social legitimacy, as I have pointed out in a recent article, The social opposition to the PP labor reform . Here the characteristics of that strong and massive sociopolitical conflict are explained to highlight its impact on the current process of its repeal in the face of the opposition of the employers and the right, who are pressing for its continuity. This objective appears in the agreement of the coalition government, as a fundamental issue of its progressive socio-labor agenda, and is a central issue in the social dialogue negotiations, within the proposal of the left and the unions to initiate a profound change in relations. labor and the labor market, so unequal and precarious for the social majority.
The lever that allows in the current phase to address a progressive shift in the labor model and contractual relationships. It was about building the socio-political and democratic conditions for a rebalancing in labor and union relations, progress in the demands for results and, as a background, the Australia Phone Number reorientation of crisis management towards a more just and equitable solution . It is the contribution and teaching of that collective effort to reduce credibility to that regressive policy of the right that has allowed the progressive change to be strengthened and, now, to begin the application of a new social and labor model, with the democratization and rebalancing of the labor relations and the improvement of salary conditions, social protection and decent employment. Despite being at the peak of the civic activation represented by the 15-M movement (2010/2014), there were many difficulties for the widespread social mobilization represented by the general strike of March 29, 2012 against the labor reform of the PP and its regressive policy.
Firstly, due to the strong power bloc of the right and the economic world, its immense institutional and media apparatus and its renewed electoral support (although not for these restrictive measures). Secondly, we must take into account structural factors (fragmentation of the productive fabric, corporate coercive capacity, fragility of the working layers...) and contextual factors (imposing institutional power in favor of these restrictive policies, difficulties of unionism, weakness of the left... ). With a new progressive parliamentary majority, the implementation of the social turn towards a new model of employment and labor relations is underway. Thus, despite the strong social discontent and the legitimacy of its objectives, active majority participation was difficult, that is, the massive incorporation of the precarious and insecure working classes in SMEs into the strikes, especially in the services and salaried layers of higher status and income.
The lever that allows in the current phase to address a progressive shift in the labor model and contractual relationships. It was about building the socio-political and democratic conditions for a rebalancing in labor and union relations, progress in the demands for results and, as a background, the Australia Phone Number reorientation of crisis management towards a more just and equitable solution . It is the contribution and teaching of that collective effort to reduce credibility to that regressive policy of the right that has allowed the progressive change to be strengthened and, now, to begin the application of a new social and labor model, with the democratization and rebalancing of the labor relations and the improvement of salary conditions, social protection and decent employment. Despite being at the peak of the civic activation represented by the 15-M movement (2010/2014), there were many difficulties for the widespread social mobilization represented by the general strike of March 29, 2012 against the labor reform of the PP and its regressive policy.
Firstly, due to the strong power bloc of the right and the economic world, its immense institutional and media apparatus and its renewed electoral support (although not for these restrictive measures). Secondly, we must take into account structural factors (fragmentation of the productive fabric, corporate coercive capacity, fragility of the working layers...) and contextual factors (imposing institutional power in favor of these restrictive policies, difficulties of unionism, weakness of the left... ). With a new progressive parliamentary majority, the implementation of the social turn towards a new model of employment and labor relations is underway. Thus, despite the strong social discontent and the legitimacy of its objectives, active majority participation was difficult, that is, the massive incorporation of the precarious and insecure working classes in SMEs into the strikes, especially in the services and salaried layers of higher status and income.